DRAGON SIDEPLATES FROM YORK FACTORY
A NEW TWIST ON AN OLD TAIL
William A. Fox
Parks Canada
The author continues to seek comments and criticism (from both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal readers) concerning the validity of the concepts presented in this paper. Please address any feedback to william.fox@pc.gc.ca
Introduction
A symbolic association has been postulated between trade musket brass dragon sideplates and the Northern Iroquoian panther/fire-dragon (meteor) man-being (Hamell 1991:108) and the water lynx, Mishipizheu, among Algonkian-speaking groups (Fox 1991:9). Using a limited sample from northwestern Ontario (Reid 1978:Figure
5), the suggestion has been made further that these ornaments were ritually "killed" upon removal from firearms (Fox 1991:10). The purpose of this paper is to provide additional evidence in support and refinement of this hypothesis.The Artifacts
York Factory, in its various locations, was the major Hudson
*s Bay Company post serving the western Hudson Bay coast from 1682 to 1957 (see Figure 1). From it, trade goods were distributed to the south and west via the Nelson and Hayes rivers. The third York Factory post location was designated a National Historic Site by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada in 1968. Subsequently, the Canadian Parks Service has spent eight field seasons excavating a variety of structures as part of their site management responsibilities (Adams and Burnip 1981; Adams 1983). Extensive riverbank erosion has exposed numerous artifacts which have augmented the excavated collections from York Factory.The Canadian Parks Service manages a collection of close to half a million artifacts from York Factory. These include a total of 11 dragon sideplates and fragments, with no complete specimens recovered to date. Archaeological deposit provenience suggests a range in age from the late 18th through 19th centuries which is consistent with Hamilton
*s (1980:66 and Fig. 37-El) typology. Breakage patterns are constant, allowing the distinction of three segment categories: heads (with varying neck sections), midsections and tails (see Table 1; Figure 2, Figure 3).Although originally installed flat on new firearms, eight of these stamped brass artifacts display bending varying from gentle curves to abrupt angles. Bending patterns suggest that at least three sideplates may have been wrenched from firearms by removing the front and middle screws, prying the inlaid plate up and twisting it off, minus the tail. Indeed, one tail segment still retains the fastening screw (Figure 3, Specimen #4). While this pattern of tail removal was not clearly evident in Reid
*s (1978) sample of eight sideplates from northwestern Ontario, it is reflected in 6 of the 11 York Factory specimens.A similar sideplate removal is evidenced on a musket held in the Hudson
*s Bay Company Collection (HBC 1800) at Lower Fort Garry National Historic Site (see Figure 4). The lockplate reads "Barnett London 1876". The barrel has been cut down to a length of 68.2 cm, including a haphazard shortening of the stock and ramrod. Based on the length of a similar dragon sideplate musket with complete barrel (Parkerfield London 1870-HBC 1632), it appears that approximately 50 cm of the cutdown barrel is missing. Such trade muskets were of notoriously poor quality in manufacture, and thus barrel explosions were not an unusual occurrence (Russell 1957:109). Unlike the York Factory specimens, the middle fastening crew on HBC 1800 has not been removed, so that only the front half of the figure is missing. A slight indentation in the stock below and above and directly in line with the break suggests that the sideplate may have been cut to facilitate breakage and removal, although inspection of the break under magnification showed no evidence of a surficial notch. The projecting bent edge following snapping of the sideplate appears to have been hammered down.Table 1. York Factory dragon sideplate attributes.
Provenience
Segment
Damage
9K18U4-l
Tail
No bending at break
9K18H12-1
Head
Neck bent up
9K1 1E2-1
Midsection
Slight neck bend up
9K915F2-1
Head
Neck bent up/head curved down
9K998E1-4
Tail (w/screw)
No bending at break
9K32F1-2
Head
No bending at break
9K998A1-123
Tail
Bent up
9K998A1-65
Midsection
Slight neck bend up/tail bent up
9K49E9-l
Midsection/tail
Neck bent down
9K50S1—l
Midsection/tail
Gentle recurve bend
9K22A 12-1
Midsection
Neck bent up/body curved down
During the spring of 1993, David Riddle recovered a musket lockplate from site HdLx-6, located at the confluence of the Island and Churchill rivers to the west of York Factory. Figure 5 illustrates a dragon midsection retained by the middle screw. While neither break displays scoring or notching, both evidence bending upward. The tail segment snapping resulted in an upward bend at the break. These observations suggest that the dragon sideplate on a discarded musket or, at least, musket stock was purposely defaced by the removal of its head and tail.
Once the York Factory dragon sideplates were detached from the firearms, it appears that their heads were next removed using a similar twisting back and forth action. These metal sideplates served "to anchor the three screws which secure the lock plate-the actual firing mechanism to the opposite side of the stock" (Reid 1992:15). While ornate, this hardware was a functional component of the musket. Even if the firearm became dysfunctional, due to barrel damage as was often the case, or if a flintlock was being replaced with a percussion mechanism, why would a person go to the trouble of removing and destroying a sideplate? Why deface a piece of hardware!
Algonkian Beliefs in Hunting Magic
York Factory is situated near the northern boundary of the West Main Cree territory (Honigmann 1989:Figure 1). While Native groups from as far away as the Great Lakes travelled to trade at York Factory, the majority of visitors were undoubtedly derived from Western Woods Cree and Swampy Cree bands (J. Smith 1981). Unfortunately, little is recorded concerning Cree spiritual belief and ritual (Smith 1981:263); however, the beings in Cree legend include "underwater creatures" (Honigmann 198 1:223) such as Mishipizhiw (Stevens and Ray 1971:22), and the Cree believe in hunting magic (Brown and Briglitman 1990:68-69).
Traditional Algonkian hunting magic involves spiritual communication with game animals. This religious magic (maniohke in Ojibway) is used "to increase one
*s hunting luck" (Rogers 1962:D10). Among the Naskapi, Frank Speck noted the "pictorial or symbolic representation of the plant or animal whose aid is to be secured... Hence, we may say, to put it roughly, that there is an analogy in far northern Algonkian philosophy between symbol or picture and control-power, in bringing the objects portrayed under the dominance of the individual spirit for the accomplishment of its needs" (Speck 1977:197). Tanner (1979: 142) notes of the Mistassini Cree that "decoration [of hunting equipment] is said to show respect to the prey, but it is also designed to ensure that the ‘spirit* (aataacaakw) of the object does its proper job in the hunt" and that "the decoration on the ammunition pouch (piitsinaakan), the gun, and the gun case (spitsinaakan) ensure that they function properly". Of the Lac la Ronge Cree in the early 19th century, George Nelson reported a story of a hunting magic ceremony using a drawing on bark of three moose (Brown and Brightman 1990:68-69). Smith (198 1:279) reports a similar belief in spirit powers obtained through dreams being used "in controlling game" among the neighbouring Chipewyan.The salient component of this symbolic belief system is the practice of sympathetic
magic to influence game through the production and manipulation of images. Such images on hunting equipment could represent empowering animal spirits, perhaps "owners" as described by Hallowell (1992:62) or the prey itself and ensured that the animated equipment functioned properly. For the Ojibway peoples, "magical rites and observances.., were directed almost entirely to the hunting of large animals and furbearers" (Vecsey 1988:87),.Dragons, Serpents, Panthers and Power
Within the Algonkian cosmos, the great underwater panther, water lynx or lion Mishipizheu is usually acknowledged as the most powerful underworld being (Dewdney 1975:122; see Figure 6, Specimen #1, this paper). James Howard states of Bungi-Qjibway beliefs that underwater panthers were "sometimes described as having brassy scales on their bodies and horns like those of a bison on their heads, the Nambiza reside in the deepest parts of streams
and lakes. The Nambiza are the masters of all underwater creatures and also snakes" (Howard 1977:113-114). Nevertheless, the principal Menornini underworld chief is the Great White Bear with a long copper tail (Skinner 1921:31), while other Algonkian legends identify a great horned serpent (see Figure 6, Specimen #2). Some versions of the Earth-Diver/Nanabozo creation legend refer to whole communities of water lynxes (Brown and Brightman 1990:45-46).Serpent-feline ambiguity is not just a modern
phenomenon (Vecsey 1990:74). Such motifs are widespread in the Americas (Mundkur 1976) and are vividly attested in Late Woodland and Mississippian contexts up until the period of European contact. Father Jacques Marquette observed a large amid imposing rock painting of two great horned serpent/feline figures on the Mississippi River in 1673 (Kellogg 1967:248-249). Engraved marine shell artifacts from the Craig Mound at the Spiro Site (Phillips and Brown 1978:140-143) and an incised pottery vessel from the ridge north of Mound R (Moore 1905:229) at the Moundville Site in Georgia express a variety of feline and serpent attributes in spiritual figures (see Figure 6, Specimen #3,4). Indeed, Phillips and Brown (1978: 142-143) cite several references correlating the underwater panther with this Mississippian "Piasa".Seventeenth century references to Mishipizheu or Missibizi connect this
underworld entity with Lake Superior copper (Thwaites 1899:155 and Brown 1939; see Figure 7, this paper). Its power to create storms was greatly feared by mariners, particularly on the Great Lakes, amid Aboriginal travellers are regularly documented as propitiating the great underwater panther with sacrifices, including (logs. A southern variation on this theme is reported by J.R. Swauton (1929:239) who recorded the Natchez legend "The Panther Child" where the hero is carried across a wide river by a great serpent with a white ring about its neck and "horns like a deer" which is repaid with a meal of four pups. This beneficial act of water transportation is also reflected in Cree folklore (Ida Bear, personal communication) and the Seneca tale of "The Great Serpent and the Young Wife", where a serpent with "proud curving horns like a buffalo*s" (Parker 1923:225) transports a woman from an island where she has been abandoned to the safety of the lakeshore. The connection between hunting success amid such serpents appears in the legend of the "Midé Priest and the Snake", where the priest obtains some flesh "from under the horns" to "bring good luck in hunting, trapping, and so on" (Barnouw 1977:135). Water lynx ownership of or control over game is suggested by the killing of Nanabozho*s hunting companion who pursued a moose/caribou/deer into water (Vecsey 1988:74; Brown and Brightman 1990:136). The Creek of the American South believed that horned serpents could charm game animals (Swanton 1928:494). Barnouw (1977:136-137) provides a succinct overview of the North American geographic and thematic range of beliefs relating to horned serpents.As an aside, the horned serpents of Algonkian legend amid art are usually depicted as having bison-like horns (see Figure 6, Specimen #2); however, certain Mississippian motifs display cervid (deer) antlers (Kellogg 1967:248, see Figure 6, Specimen #4, this paper). This may reflect the chiefly status of the underworld ruler, in the same manner as Iroquois chiefs metaphorically
had antlers which were "removed" at their death (Boyle 1898:185) and certain individuals in Ohio valley and Illinois Middle Woodland mortuary contexts were accompanied by deer antler or native copper antler effigy headdresses (Moorehead 1922:107 and Figure 11; Webb and Haag 1947:76-85). There is even an antlered human face mask of wood from the Mississippian Spiro mounds in Oklahoma (Burnett 1945:Plate LXXVII; Brown 1975: Figure 7).In Native American ideology, the ambivalent status of serpents for good and evil is analogous to Aboriginal views concerning all creatures displaying special powers, including human individuals. For people, this is reflected in the mixture of fear and veneration in which shamans or medicine men and women were held.
or at least retaliate violently against witchcraft.Methods for counteracting power can be direct, as in literal killing of the power source, or indirect, as is manifested in the deflection or removal of the power vector or agent. The former has often been the fate of witches or the bewitched (i.e., cannibalistic witiko), if discovered, while the latter activity has kept Native American curers busy for millennia.
Amongst Algonkian peoples, there has developed a range of medicine men dealing with such issues using specialized techniques such as the shaking tent and sucking tubes (Cooper 1936:8,9). Nibikiwinini suck foreign objects from patients* bodies and safely dispose of them (Ibid:8; Brown and Brightman 1990:64). Thus, the concept of terminating spiritual power by removal of the agent is well established in Algonkian tradition.The actual destruction of the power agent is not well documented for Algonkian groups, although the burning of Midéwiwin "chronicles" which have not been bequeathed
to a successor (Blessing 1977:122) may provide an analogy. From a precontact context to the southeast, Willoughby (1922:70 and Figure 32, Plate 19-a,b) reports a "serpent-monster, part horned serpent and part quadruped, beautifully carved in red slate" recovered from Altar 1 of Mound 4 at the Turner earthworks in Ohio. It had been "broken into many pieces, most of which were recovered" (Ibid). That this 1700 year-old Hopewellian site reflects similar belief systems to historically documented Algonkian groups is further suggested by the discovery of a fragmented horned serpent effigy of cut mica from the same altar.A more contemporary, but geographically and culturally distant analogy
may be made to certain West Coast Aboriginal practices relating to the disposal of "coppers". These effigy copper plaques among the Kwakiutl "were considered to be alive, conceptually related to salmon, and when ritually broken and thrown into the sea at gift-giving feasts, were believed to return to salmon form" (Furst and Furst 1982:118). When a Bella Coola potlatch donor was arranging for the appearance of a dead relative, lie "breaks or bends his copper, and throws it into the fire ‘to make bone for the deceased" (Mcllwraith 1948:225).Both cases document the ritual destruction of symbolically powerful copper artifacts, one directly related to a water spirit. Returning to the east, among the Iroquois, medicine society masks which were no longer required or desired could be disposed of by "killing" them. These powerful and animate objects could be dangerous if not properly cared for or if insulted (Fenton 1990:155). The fatuous Iroquois ethnographer, Arthur C. Parker alludes to this in a 19 March 1906 letter to Dr. John NI. Clarke, Director of the New York State Museum, when Parker states that the owner of a "doctor" mask
refused to kill it but made a ceremony by which he passed the inhabiting spirit over to my care and made me promise that when I parted with it to have a medicine man perform the ceremony of "passing" which in order to keep the confidence of the Indians I have done. This special mask has controll (sic) over the spirits of birds and will bring all kinds of calamities if offended, so the natives believe (copy of letter courtesy of G. Hamell).
Other cases involving the "killing" of spiritually powerful items can no doubt be found among other North American Aboriginal groups. Recent inquiries among Cree and Ojibwa elders have not proved fruitful to date; however, as noted earlier, there appears to be an analogous belief system at work in regard to the disposal of unwanted Midéwiwin scrolls among Algonkian speaking peoples. Despite the generally low population densities characteristic of the Canadian Shield country, spiritual concepts and their attendant ceremonies were transmitted widely. Rogers (l962:D1 1) recorded that the manitokiwak or "dog feast" entered the Sandy Lake area of northwestern Ontario through local men travelling to Lake Winnipeg as part of the H BC summer freight brigades, where they learned this ceremony. Skinner (1911:65) notes that the
Cree of Fort Albany admit that their midewin was closely related to that of the Ojibway and that they exchanged medicine and secrets with them. The Ojibway frequently came and lived among the Cree, fasting and dreaming in order that they might join the Cree branch of the midewin. The Cree in turn went through the same ceremony with the Ojibwa.
Summation
An archaeological assemblage of musket brass sideplates from York Factory includes no complete specimens. Unlike examples from the Blackfeet to the west (Karklins 1992:Figure 61), this ornamental hardware does not appear to have been recycled or curated; rather, the 11 late 18th to late 19th century York Factory items have been damaged or defaced. This is consistent with their treatment on a contemporary Ojibwa campsite to the south on Lake of the Woods (Reid 1992).
Far from simply being a symbol of musket quality as apparently assumed by European traders (Reid 1978:3), it seems that the form and material of these dragon/serpent sideplates spoke to traditional Algonkian beliefs, specifically those related to Mishipizheu (Fox 1991:10). Evidence has been presented to suggest that their destruction was systematic and expressed Cree-Ojibwa conceptions of spiritual power and the Good Life (Hallowell 1992:82-85) as regards hunting success.
The pattern of tail breakage among the York Factory specimens is reminiscent of Mishipizheu conflict episodes in a Cree version of the Earth-Diver creation story and a Lake Superior Ojibwa legend. In the former, Weesuckajock outwitted a Water Lynx (Michi-Pichoux) who had been sent to kill him by asking to see how its deadly tail was made and upon taking hold of this tail, he "placed it on the Gunnel of his canoe and with a stone cut it off (Brown and Brightman 1990:46). Likewise Jones (1916:387), in "The Women amid the Great Lynx", records that when it attacked three women in a canoe, "one of the women was able to break his tail and beat him off with a paddle".
Could this Mishipizheu defeat motif underlie the archaeologically documented pattern*! Would the bursting of a musket barrel be seen as the betrayal of a symbolically implicit pact between a hunter and the most powerful guardian spirit of game? Perhaps such a dramatic accident signalled the end of the musket*s good spiritual power. Hence, the dangerous brass symbol should be disarmed or spiritually killed.
While the above hypothesis cannot be "proven" without corroboration from the (‘Cree themselves, it does appear to be a logical construct for an otherwise unexplained and ubiquitous pattern of destruction, given all the ethnographic and archaeological evidence, Ida Bear has suggested that knowledge of such beliefs may have been lost among the Cree of Manitoba; however, given the geographic distribution of this artifact modification activity from Atlantic Canada to Alberta, there may yet be knowledge among the Qjibway or other Algonkian-speakers to the east. David Denton will be bringing the concept to the Cree of Quebec for comment and the writer will continue his inquiries.
Acknowledgements
This paper represents another step in the author*s attempt to understand time archaeological record which he has been privileged to access. As such, he owes a cumulative debt to those many scholars who have influenced the development of his thinking over the last decade, notably George Hammel of The State Education Department, University of the State of New York; Dr. Bruce Trigger of McGill University; and, most recently, Dr. Jennifer Brown of the University of Winnipeg. Gary Adams, Biron Ebell, Stephen Toews and Linda Seyers of the Canadian Parks Service assisted in providing the artifacts and provenience data specific to this article. Valuable supplementary information was provided by Charles Garrad (Ontario Archaeological Society), Grace Rajnovich (Michigan State University), Dave Riddle (Manitoba Culture, Heritage and Citizenship), Sharon Hicks (Royal Ontario Museum) and C.S. Paddy Reid (Ontario Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Recreation). David Elrick and Elizabeth Melnyk of the Canadian Parks Service produced Figures 1 and 5, and word processed the paper, respectively. Finally, the author wishes to express particularly his appreciation to Ida Bear and Hora Beardy (Cree) and Jacob Thomas (Iroquois) whose insights continue to provide guidance. Hopefully, I have understood.
References
Adams, G.F.
1983 End of 1981 amid 1982 Seasons: York Factory National Historic Site. National Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Parks Canada Research Bulletin, No. /96. Ottawa.
Adams, G.F. and M. Burnip
1981 York Factory Archaeology: Interim Report (1978-1980). Parks Canada Microfiche Report Series, No. 27. Ottawa.
Barnouw, V.
1977 Wisconsin Chippewa Myths amid Tales and Their Relation to Chippewa Life. The University of Wisconsin Press. Madison.
Blessing, F.K.
1977 The Ojibway Indians Observed: Papers of Fred K. Blessing, Jr., On The Ojibway Indians From The Minnesota Archaeologist. Occasional Publications in Minnisota Anthropology, No. 1.
Boyle, D.
1898 The Pagan Iroquois. Archaeological Report 1898: 54-196. Toronto.
Brown, C.E.
1939 Myths, Legends and Superstitions About Copper. Wisconsin Archeologist 20(2):35-40.
Browmi, J.A.
1975 Spiro Art and Its Mortuary Contexts. Death and the Afterlife Pre-Columbian America: I-32 Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections. Washington, D.C.
Brown, J.S.H. and R. Brightman
1990 "The Orders of the Dreamed": George Nelson on Cree and Northern Ojibwa Religion and Myth, 1823. Manitoba Studies in Native History III. University of Manitoba. Winnipeg.
Burnett, E.K.
1945 The Spiro Mound Collection in the Museum. Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian Heye Foundation, Vol. XIV. New York.
Cooper, J.M.
1936 Notes on the Ethnology of the Otchipwe of Lake of the Woods and of Rainy Lake. Catholic University of America Anthropology Series, No. 3. Washington, D.C.
Dewdney, S.
1975 The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibway. The University of Toronto Press. Toronto.
Fenton, W.N.
1990 The False Faces of the Iroquoi.s. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman.
Fox, W.A.
1991 The Serpent*s Copper Scales. Wanikan (Newsletter of the Thunder Bay Chapter, Ontario Archaeological Society) 91 (03):3- 1 5.
Furst, P.T. and J.L. Furst
1982 North American Native Art. Art Press.
Hallowell, A.I.
1992 The Ojibwa of Berens River, Manitoba Ethnography into History. Ed by J.S.H. Brown. Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology.
Harnell, G.R.
1991 Long-Tail: The Panther in Huron-Wyandot and Seneca Myth, Ritual, amid Material Culture. Feline Symbolism in Pre-Columbian and Native America. London.
Hamilton, T.M.
1980 Colonial Frontier Guns. Fur Press. Chadron.
Honigmann, J.J.
1981 West Main Cree. Handbook of North American Indians, Vol.6, Subarctic:217-230. Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C.
Howard, J.H.
1977 The Plains-Ojibwa or Bungi: Hunters and Warriors of the Northern Prairies, with Special Reference to the Turtle Mountain Band. University of South Dakota Museum Anthropology Paper 1. Vermillion. Reprints in Anthropology, Vol. 7. Lincoln.
Jones, W.
1916 Ojibwa Tales From the North Shore of Lake Superior. The Journal of American Folk Lore, Vol. XXIX, No. CXIII: 368-391. New York.
Karklins, K.
1992 Trade Ornament Usage Among the Native Peoples of Canada. Studies in Archaeology Architecture amid History. Environment Canada. Ottawa,
Kellogg, L.P.
1967 Early Narratives of the Northwest 1634-1699. Barnes and Noble, Inc. New York.
Mcllwraith, T.F.
1948 The Bella Coola Indians Vol. 1. University of Toronto Press. Toronto.
Moore, C.B.
1905 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Black Warrior River. Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Vol. XIII, Part 2:128-243. Philadelphia.
Moorehead, W.K.
1922 The Hopewell Mound Group of Ohio. Field Museum of Natural History Publication 2 / / Anthropological Series, Vol. VI, No. 5:74-185. Chicago.
Mundkur, B.
1976 The Cult of the Serpent in the Americas: Its Asian Background. Current Anthropology 17(3):429-455.
Parker, A.C.
1923 Seneca Myths and Folk Tales. Buffalo Historical Society. Buffalo
Phillips, P. and J.A. Brown
1978 Pre-Columbian Shell Engravings From the Craig Mound at Spiro, Oklahoma, Part 1. Peabody Museum Press. Cambridge, Mass.
Reid, C.S.
1978 The Dragon Sideplate: Its Origins, Variations and Chronologies on Fur Trade Sites. Ontario Archaeology, No. 30:3- 15.
1992 Here Be Dragons: The Indian Trade Gun Side Plates From The Ballynacree Site (DkKp
8), Kenora. KEWA (Newsletter of the London Chapter, Ontario Archaeological Society)
92-8:15-20.
Rogers, E.S.
1962 The Round Lake Ojibwa. Royal Ontario Museum Art and Archaeology Division Occasional Paper 5. Toronto.
Russell, C.P.
1957 Guns on the Early Frontiers A History of Firearms from Colonial Times Through the Years of the Western Fur Trade. Bonanza Books. New York.
Skinner, A.
1911 Notes on the Eastern Cree amid Northern Saulteaux. American Museum of Natural History Anthropological Papers, Vol. IX, Part 1. New York.
1921 Material Culture of the Menomini Indian Notes and Monographs Museum of the American Indian Heye Foundation. New York.
Smith, J.G.E.
1981a Western Woods Cree. Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 6, Subarctic:256-270. Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C.
1981b Chipewyan. Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 6, Subarctic:27 1-284. Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C.
Speck, F.G.
1977 Naskapi: The Savage Hunters of the Labrador Peninsula. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman.
Stevens, J. and C. Ray
1971 Sacred Legends of the Sandy Lake Cree. McClelland and Stewart Ltd. Toronto.
Swanton, J.R.
1928 Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians. Forty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology for 1 924-1 925: 473-672. Washington, D.C.
1929 Myths and Tales of the Southeastern Indians. Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 88. Washington, D.C.
Tanner, A.
1979 Bringing Home Animals: Religious Ideology and Mode of Production of the Mistassini Cree Hunters. St. Martin*s Press. New York.
Thwaites, R.G. (editor)
1899 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 54. Burrows, Cleveland.
Vecsey, C.
1988 Imagine Ourselves Richly: Mythic Narratives of North American Indians. Crossroad. New York.
1990 Traditional Ojibway Religion and Its Historical Changes. The American Philosophical Society. Philadelphia.
Webb, W.S. and W.G. Haag
1947 The Fisher Site Fayette County Kentucky. The University of Kentucky Reports in Anthropology, Vol. VII No. 2:49-104. Lexington.
Willoughby, C.C.
1922 The Turner Group of Earthworks Hamilton County, Ohio. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. V III, No. 3. Cambridge, Mass.
First Published: Manitoba Archaeological Journal, Volume 2, Number 2, 1992
Reproduced Courtesy of the Manitoba Archaeological Society.